Introduction : military culture and motivation in the armies of Napoleon -- From the coasts of the ocean to the snows of Poland : the grande Armée and Napoleonic military culture -- Honneur, gloire, et patrie : honor in Napoleon's legions -- Imperial virtue : the evolution of French patriotism -- Napoleon's manhood : sex and martial masculinity in the French army -- Clothing the new emperor : creating the cult of Napoleon -- The emperor's grognards : the officer corps -- Devoted soldiers and reluctant conquerors : the rank-and-file -- Conclusion : vive l'empereur! : sustaining motivation in the armies of Napoleon, 1803-1808
The sinister figure of the Russian revolutionary was well established in the British mind by the early 1870s, whilst the terrorist campaign pursued by the People's Will during the period 1878—1881 entrenched the stereotype still further. At the same time, however, the long-standing Russophobic motifs in British political culture helped to foster a degree of sympathy for the Russian terrorists as fighters against tsarist oppression. The first part of this article examines the reports carried in British newspapers during these years, arguing that although they generally condemned 'terrorism' in Russia, there was also a widespread sense that the upsurge in violence was at least in part a consequence of the Russian government's refusal to embrace reform. Whilst the periodic eruption of 'Fenian' bombs created something of a moral panic about terrorism, most commentators believed that the use of violence to bring about change in an autocratic political system was qualitatively different from resorting to terror in a constitutional system where other avenues for non-violent change were available. The second part of the article examines the reception of the books and articles of Sergei Kravchinskii (Stepniak), a former member of People's Will, who arrived in Britain in 1884. Stepniak made a concerted attempt to persuade his readership of the iniquities of the tsarist regime. He also argued that the use of terror was a natural response to the existence of despotic rule. Stepniak was generally successful at presenting himself as a representative of a national liberation movement, committed to promoting the cause of freedom, establishing in the process a good deal of support for his views amongst a section of British public opinion.
AbstractBackgroundThe scientific literature cites wide health disparities for people with intellectual disabilities compared to the general population. This study seeks to gain an understanding of the effects of income status on oral health in a global population of people with intellectual disabilities.MethodsEighty‐two thousand five hundred and seventy Special Olympics athletes were screened and eligible for inclusion in this study. The main exposure (income status) and selected oral health signs and symptoms (missing teeth, untreated decay, injury, gingivitis, and mouth pain) were used to conduct a cross‐sectional analysis. Prevalence odds ratios were obtained through logistic regression.ResultsStudy participants from low‐income countries experienced adverse health outcomes at a lower rate than expected. Study participants from upper middle, lower middle, and low‐income countries had higher odds of mouth pain and untreated decay, yet lower odds of missing teeth, injury, and gingivitis, than participants from high‐income countries. Overall, a great number of individuals from every income group required maintenance or urgent care.ConclusionOral health problems are not exclusive to low‐income study participants. Unexpectedly high odds of missing teeth, injury, and gingivitis in high‐income countries may be attributed to the high proportion of participants from the United States, which is considered a high‐income country but has large income disparities. Health‐determining circumstances in low‐income countries provide some protection from the hypothesized gradient of oral health for all measured outcomes.
